When average life of Govt in Bihar was 4 months
Credit- Amul |
NK SINGH
Frontier, 19 June 1971
"An. honest politician is one who, when he is bought,
will stay bought"
-Simon Cameron.
Unfortunately, there seems to be a dearth of 'honest politicians"
in Bihar; in their absence the ministerial kaleidoscope has changed once again.
On June 2, 1971, the Congress-led Progressive Vidhayak Dal
comprising the CPI, the PSP, the Forward Block and a faction of the Jharkhand,
the Hul Jharkhand, the Hindustani Shoshit Dal, the Shoshit Dal and some
Independents plus a number of defectors replaced the 162-day-old Samyukta
Vidhayak Dal Ministry comprising the Congress (O), the SSP, the Jana Sangh, the
Swatantra, the Janta party, the BKD, the Hul Jharkhand and the Shoshit Dal.
The downfall of the SSP-led SVD Ministry did not come all of
a sudden. It was a certainty ever since December 22, 1970 when Mr Karpoori
Thakur was sworn in as the Chief Minister of this ill-fated State which has
been in the cesspool of instability since the fourth general election in 1967.
Even the 162-day tenure -- from December 22, 1970 to June 1,
1971 -- was rather a long term for the Karpoori Ministry which was expected
collapse during the budget session of the Assembly meeting as the constituents
of the ruling SVD had suffered a debacle in the wake of the mid-term
parliamentary poll. This numerical setback had a psychological effect as well.
However, the Government managed to survive, thanks to the
premature and unbusinesslike toppling bid of their political opponents and the
gimmicks of the Socialist Chief Minister who felt an urgent need for expanding
his Cabinet just before the opening of the session.
The Ministry has been facing a serious crisis since the April
convention of the Samyukta Socialist Party, the leading partner in the ruling
SVD, after which the party's 52-member front in the Vidhan Sabha faced dissension
and desertions.
A series of defections of legislators, mostly from the
Congress (0) and the SSP, and the resignation of as many as nine Ministers were
followed by the revival of the 'mini-front’ – a loose alliance of groups of the
BKD, Jharkhand, Hul Jharkhand, Shoshit Dal and some independents which had been
instrumental for the fall of many ministries in the past.
Some gentlemen changed their loyalties thrice within 21 weeks.
Mr Jagdeo Prased of the Hindustani Shoshit Dal, who was a staunch supporter of
the Progressives, discovered one fine Sunday morning that his erstwhile
colleagues were heading towards dissolution of the Vidhan Sabha. He decided to
support the Samyukta. But on Monday he found out his earlier formulation to be
"reactionary". Hence, he re-joined the Indira Congress bandwagon.
In the face of the imminent fall, the Chief Minister, Mr
Karpoori Thakur, who had declared only two days earlier, "I am not a
coward to resign without facing the Assembly", had to bow down without a
fight. He had to submit the resignation of his Ministry only two hours before
the Assembly was due to meet to discuss a no-confidence against it.
The defections which caused the Samyukta's downfall had
obviously been engineered by the Progressives. Mr Karpoori Thakur and other SSP
leaders made a scathing attack on the Ruling Congress leaders, particularly the
Prime Minister.
In a press statement Mr Thakur made a specific reference to
the activities of Mr Yaspal Kapur, the "Prime Minister's emissary",
as being "responsible for engineering defections from the SVD." He
alleged that Mr Kapur had offered various inducements and made promises to
probable defectors.
Post-mortem
However, no tears will be shed over Karpoori's defeat. It is
the price the SSP has had to pay for making opportunism its creed and power its
main aim. The Ministry, like all the coalition ministries in the past, had made
itself a laughing stock by indulging in mere gimmicks.
Corruption in high places had become the talk of the town
and casteism was practised in its most naked form. In postings and transfers of
Government officials a lot of favouritism was indulged in, further breaking the
backbone of the already battered administration.
Almost every policy decision of the SVD Government bore the
imprint of the thinking of its reactionary alliance the Jana Sangh, the
Swatantra, the Syndicate and the Janta Party. Mr Thakur's ties with the
Syndicate were no secret.
It is said that even transfers and postings of officers were
decided in the drawing room of the State Syndicate boss, Mr S. N. Sinha. Besides
campaigning in the last election to the Lok Sabha for three of the Congress (0)
leaders indicted by the Aiyer Commission of Inquiry, Mr Thakur appointed an
'Aiyerite' the chairman of the State Finance Corporation.
But these things were no hurdle in the way of the Karpoori
Thakur Ministry which somehow managed to pull on, thanks to the unending expansion
of the Cabinet, which reached a record strength of 53 in six expansions during
five months.
The PVD Government led by Mr Bhola Paswan Shastri the ninth
to assume office since the last general election and the fifth since the
mid-term poll to the Vidhan Sabha in 1969. A mathematical calculation reveals
that with the two spells of presidential rule extending up to 15 months, the
average life of a ministry in the State comes to a bare four months.
Permanent Ministers
It is the peculiar phenomenon of 'permanent' ministers which
is primarily responsible for the political in stability in Bihar. Because of
the composition of the State Legislative Assembly in which no party commands an
overall majority, independents, defectors and mini-parties find an excellent
opportunity to fish in troubled waters.
Unprincipled elements and power seekers have found an
excellent opportunity more than once to sell their legislature membership
highest bidder. As soon to as some legislators find that the Government they
are supporting is on the way out, they quickly jump the fence and get on the
bandwagon of a probable winner.
Although party leaders are never tired of tall talk about
the need to put down defections, defectors always welcome and offered very tempting
terms are generally
Thus, a political situation is developing in Bihar in which
some people have come to occupy the position of permanent ministers. No matter
which ministry is formed, they will become ministers because of their
extraordinary ability to defect and re-defect.
Such permanent ministers want the fullest facility and
freedom to misuse their power and create havoc in the administration. If any
Chief Minister tries to exercise his supervisory powers, the stability of his
ministry is immediately threatened. And when one set of ministers are left free
to do what they like, naturally the other ministers cannot be controlled.
The net result has been a virtual competition in the misuse
of power, especially in the matter of transfers, postings and promotions of
officers and grant of licences and permits.
The new PVD Government, described as "Defectors
Government" by Mr Suraj Narayan Singh, floor leader of the Indian
Socialist Party and the CPM's joint front in the Assembly, claims the support
of 177 members in the House, which has an effective strength of 312.
The Congress (R), the largest constituent of the alliance,
claims to have increased its strength to 112 following the inclusion of about
30 defectors.
Two different views are being expressed about the stability
of the new Government. According to some political pundits, Mr Bhola Paswan
Shastri can look forward to a longer spell as Chief Minister this time. (He is
heading a Government in Bihar for the third time).
The present coalition is stronger than any he led before
because of the participation of the ruling Congress. However, another section
of pundits differs. They feel that the Ministry, which is no different from its
predecessors in the matter of patronage of habitual defectors, cannot last
long.
So far, the people of Bihar are concerned the change in the ministerial kaleidoscope will hardly make any difference because of the phenomenon of 'permanent ministers'.
Frontier, 19 June 1971 |
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